THOMAS MALTHUS
AN ESSAY ON THE PRINCIPLE OF POPULATION 1798
An essay on the principle of population, as it affects the future improvement of
society with remarks on the speculations of Mr. Godwin, M. Condorcet, and other
writers.
London, printed for J. Johnson, in St. Paul's church-yard, 1798.
EXCERPTS:
1. "I think I may fairly
make two postulata.
"First, That food is necessary to the existence of man.
"Secondly, that the passion between the sexes is necessary and will remain
nearly in its present state.
"These two laws, ever since we have had any knowledge of mankind, appear to have
been fixed laws of our nature, and, as we have not hitherto seen any alteration
in them, we have no right to conclude that they will ever cease to be what they
now are, without an immediate act of power in that Being who first arranged the
system of the universe, and for the advantage of his creatures, still executes,
according to fixed laws, all its various operations.
"Assuming then my postulata
as granted, I say, that the power of population is indefinitely greater than the
power in the earth to produce subsistence for man.
"Population, when unchecked, increases in a geometrical ratio. Subsistence
increases only in an arithmetical ratio. A slight acquaintance with numbers will
shew the immensity of the first power in comparison of the second.
"By that law of our nature which makes food necessary to the life of man, the
effects of these two unequal powers must be kept equal.
"This implies a strong and constantly operating check on population from the
difficulty of subsistence. This difficulty must fall somewhere and must
necessarily be severely felt by a large portion of mankind.
"Through the animal and vegetable kingdoms, nature has scattered the seeds of
life abroad with the most profuse and liberal hand. She has been comparatively
sparing in the room and the nourishment necessary to rear them. The germs of
existence contained in this spot of earth, with ample food, and ample room to
expand in, would fill millions of worlds in the course of a few thousand years.
Necessity, that imperious all pervading law of nature, restrains them within the
prescribed bounds. The race of plants and the race of animals shrink under this
great restrictive law. And the race of man cannot, by any efforts of reason,
escape from it. Among plants and animals its effects are waste of seed,
sickness, and premature death. Among mankind, misery and vice. The former,
misery, is an absolutely necessary consequence of it. Vice is a highly probable
consequence, and we therefore see it abundantly prevail, but it ought not,
perhaps, to be called an absolutely necessary consequence. The ordeal of virtue
is to resist all temptation to evil.
". . . I see no way by which man can escape from the weight of this law which
pervades all animated nature. No fancied equality, no agrarian regulations in
their utmost extent, could remove the pressure of it even for a single century.
And it appears, therefore, to be decisive against the possible existence of a
society, all the members of which should live in ease, happiness, and
comparative leisure; and feel no anxiety about providing the means of
subsistence for themselves and families. . . .
"Taking the population of
the world at any number, a thousand millions, for instance, the human species
would increase in the ratio of -- 1, 2, 4, 8, 16, 32, 64, 128, 256, 512, etc.
and subsistence as -- 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, etc. In two centuries and a
quarter, the population would be to the means of subsistence as 512 to 10: in
three centuries as 4096 to 13, and in two thousand years the difference would be
almost incalculable, though the produce in that time would have increased to an
immense extent.
"No limits whatever are placed to the productions of the earth; they may
increase for ever and be greater than any assignable quantity. yet still the
power of population being a power of a superior order, the increase of the human
species can only be kept commensurate to the increase of the means of
subsistence by the constant operation of the strong law of necessity acting as a
check upon the greater power.
"The effects of this check
remain now to be considered. . . .
"The effects of this check on man are more complicated. Impelled to the increase
of his species by an equally powerful instinct, reason interrupts his career and
asks him whether he may not bring beings into the world for whom he cannot
provide the means of subsistence. In a state of equality, this would be the
simple question. In the present state of society, other considerations occur.
Will he not lower his rank in life? Will he not subject himself to greater
difficulties than he at present feels? Will he not be obliged to labour harder?
and if he has a large family, will his utmost exertions enable him to support
them? May he not see his offspring in rags and misery, and clamouring for bread
that he cannot give them? And may he not be reduced to the grating necessity of
forfeiting his independence, and of being obliged to the sparing hand of charity
for support?
"These considerations are
calculated to prevent, and certainly do prevent, a very great number in all
civilized nations from pursuing the dictate of nature in an early attachment to
one woman [preventative check]. And this restraint almost necessarily,
though not absolutely so, produces vice. Yet in all societies, even those that
are most vicious, the tendency to a virtuous attachment is so strong that there
is a constant effort towards an increase of population. This constant effort as
constantly tends to subject the lower classes of the society to distress and to
prevent any great permanent amelioration of their condition [positive check
by means of increased mortality].
"The way in which, these effects are produced seems to be this. We will suppose
the means of subsistence in any country just equal to the easy support of its
inhabitants. The constant effort towards population, which is found to act even
in the most vicious societies, increases the number of people before the means
of subsistence are increased. The food therefore which before supported seven
millions must now be divided among seven millions and a half or eight millions.
The poor consequently must live much worse, and many of them be reduced to
severe distress. The number of labourers also being above the proportion of the
work in the market, the price of labour must tend toward a decrease, while the
price of provisions would at the same time tend to rise. The labourer therefore
must work harder to earn the same as he did before. During this season of
distress, the discouragements to marriage, and the difficulty of rearing a
family are so great that population is at a stand. In the mean time the
cheapness of labour, the plenty of labourers, and the necessity of an increased
industry amongst them, encourage cultivators to employ more labour upon their
land, to turn up fresh soil, and to manure and improve more completely what is
already in tillage, till ultimately the means of subsistence become in the same
proportion to the population as at the period from which we set out. The
situation of the labourer being then again tolerably comfortable, the restraints
to population are in some degree loosened, and the same retrograde and
progressive movements with respect to happiness are repeated.
"This sort of oscillation will not be remarked by superficial observers . . .
"The preventive check appears to operate in some degree through all the ranks of society in England. There are some men, even in the highest rank, who are prevented from marrying by the idea of the expenses that they must retrench, and the fancied pleasures that they must deprive themselves of, on the supposition of having a family.
"The positive check to population, by which I mean the check that represses an increase which is already begun, is confined chiefly, though not perhaps solely, to the lowest orders of society. This check is not so obvious to common view as the other I have mentioned, and, to prove distinctly the force and extent of its operation would require, perhaps, more data than we are in possession of. But I believe it has been very generally remarked by those who have attended to bills of mortality that of the number of children who die annually, much too great a proportion belongs to those who may be supposed unable to give their offspring proper food and attention, exposed as they are occasionally to severe distress and confined, perhaps, to unwholesome habitations and hard labour."
2. His argument concerning the "Poor Bill" [1]
"Hard as it may appear in
individual instances, dependent poverty ought to be held disgraceful. Such a
stimulus seems to be absolutely necessary to promote the happiness of the great
mass of mankind, and every general attempt to weaken this stimulus, however
benevolent its apparent intention, will always defeat its own purpose. If men
are induced to marry from a prospect of parish provision, with little or no
chance of maintaining their families in independence, they are not only unjustly
tempted to bring unhappiness and dependence upon themselves and children, but
they are tempted, without knowing it, to injure all in the same class with
themselves. A labourer who marries without being able to support a family may in
some respects be considered as an enemy to all his fellow-labourers.
"I feel no doubt whatever that the parish laws of England have contributed to
raise the price of provisions and to lower the real price of labour. They have
therefore contributed to impoverish that class of people whose only possession
is their labour. . .
"Suppose that by a subscription of the rich the eighteen pence a day which men earn now was made up five shillings, it might be imagined, perhaps, that they would then be able to live comfortably and have a piece of meat every day for their dinners. But this would be a very false conclusion. The transfer of three shillings and sixpence a day to every labourer would not increase the quantity of meat in the country. There is not at present enough for all to have a decent share. What would then be the consequence? The competition among the buyers in the market of meat would rapidly raise the price from sixpence or sevenpence, to two or three shillings in the pound, and the commodity would not be divided among many more than it is at present. . . .
"Mr Pitt's Poor Bill has the appearance of being framed with benevolent intentions, and the clamour raised against it was in many respects ill directed, and unreasonable. But it must be confessed that it possesses in a high degree the great and radical defect of all systems of the kind, that of tending to increase population without increasing the means for its support, and thus to depress the condition of those that are not supported by parishes, and, consequently, to create more poor."
3. His argument as to why there exists the potential for suffering caused by the power of population increase
"The necessity of food for
the support of life gives rise, probably, to a greater quantity of exertion than
any other want, bodily or mental. The Supreme Being has ordained that the earth
shall not produce good in great quantities till much preparatory labour and
ingenuity has been exercised upon its surface. There is no conceivable
connection to our comprehensions, between the seed and the plant or tree that
rises from it. The Supreme Creator might, undoubtedly, raise up plants of all
kinds, for the use of his creatures, without the assistance of those little bits
of matter, which we call seed, or even without the assisting labour and
attention of man. The processes of ploughing and clearing the ground, of
collecting and sowing seeds, are not surely for the assistance of God in his
creation, but are made previously necessary to the enjoyment of the blessings of
life, in order to rouse man into action, and form his mind to reason.
"To furnish the most unremitted excitements of this kind, and to urge man to
further the gracious designs of Providence by the full cultivation of the earth,
it has been ordained that population should increase much faster than food. This
general law (as it has appeared in the former parts of this Essay) undoubtedly
produces much partial evil, but a little reflection may, perhaps, satisfy us,
that it produces a great overbalance of good. Strong excitements seem necessary
to create exertion, and to direct this exertion, and form the reasoning faculty,
it seems absolutely necessary, that the Supreme Being should act always
according to general laws. The constancy of the laws of nature, or the certainty
with which we may expect the same effects from the same causes, is the
foundation of the faculty of reason. If in the ordinary course of things, the
finger of God were frequently visible, or to speak more correctly, if God were
frequently to change his purpose (for the finger of God is, indeed, visible in
every blade of grass that we see), a general and fatal torpor of the human
faculties would probably ensue; even the bodily wants of mankind would cease to
stimulate them to exertion, could they not reasonably expect that if their
efforts were well directed they would be crowned with success. The constancy of
the laws of nature is the foundation of the industry and foresight of the
husbandman, the indefatigable ingenuity of the artificer, the skilful researches
of the physician and anatomist, and the watchful observation and patient
investigation of the natural philosopher. To this constancy we owe all the
greatest and noblest efforts of intellect. To this constancy we owe the immortal
mind of a Newton.
"As the reasons, therefore, for the constancy of the laws of nature seem, even
to our understandings, obvious and striking; if we return to the principle of
population and consider man as he really is, inert, sluggish, and averse from
labour, unless compelled by necessity (and it is surely the height of folly to
talk of man, according to our crude fancies of what he might be), we may
pronounce with certainty that the world would not have been peopled, but for the
superiority of the power of population to the means of subsistence. Strong and
constantly operative as this stimulus is on man to urge him to the cultivation
of the earth, if we still see that cultivation proceeds very slowly, we may
fairly conclude that a less stimulus would have been insufficient. Even under
the operation of this constant excitement, savages will inhabit countries of the
greatest natural fertility for a long period before they betake themselves to
pasturage or agriculture. Had population and food increased in the same ratio,
it is probable that man might never have emerged from the savage state."
[1] This is an argument that is very similar to Garrett Hardin's "Tragedy of the Commons" (1968), although Hardin does not refer to it. It is also implicit in his 1974 article, "Lifeboat ethics: the case against helping the poor."