Geertz, Clifford. The
Interpretation of Cultures. New
York: Basic Books, 1973.
The concept of culture I espouse...is essentially a semiotic one. Believing, with Max Weber, that man is an animal suspended in webs of significance he himself has spun, I take culture to be those webs, and the analysis of it to be therefore not an experimental science in search of law but an interpretive one in search of meaning. It is an explication I am after, construing social expressions on their surface enigmatical. (5)
Doing ethnography is like trying to read (in the sense of ‘construct a reading of’) a manuscript - foreign, faded, full of ellipses, incoherencies, suspicious emendations, and tendentious commentaries, but written both in conventionalized graphs of sound but in examples of shaped behavior. (10)
Culture is public because meaning is. You can’t wink (or burlesque one) without knowing what counts as winking or how, physically, to contract your eyelids, and you can’t conduct a sheep raid (or mimic one) without knowing what it is to steal a sheep and how practically to go about it. But to draw from such truths the conclusion that knowing how to wink is winking and knowing how to steal a sheep is sheep raiding is to betray as deep a confusion as, taking thin descriptions for thick, to identify winking with eyelid contractions or sheep raiding with chasing woolly animals out of pastures. (12)
It is here, to come
round finally to my title, that the concept of culture has its impact on the
concept of man. When seen as a set of symbolic devices for controlling
behavior, extrasomatic sources of information, culture provides the link
between what men are intrinsically capable of becoming and what they
actually, one by one, in fact become. Becoming human is becoming
individual, and we become individual under the guidance of cultural patterns,
historically created systems of meaning in terms of which we give form, order,
point, and direction to our lives. And the cultural patterns involved are
not general but specific - not just "marriage" but a particular set
of notions about what men and women are like, how spouses should treat one
another, or who should properly marry whom; not just "religion"
but belief in the wheel of karma, the observance of a month of fasting, or the
practice of cattle sacrifice. Man is to be defined neither by his innate
capacities alone, as the Enlightenment sought to do, not by his actual
behaviors alone, as much of contemporary science seeks to do, but rather by the
link between them, by the way in which the first is transformed into the
second, his generic potentialities focused into his specific
performances. It is in man's career, in its characteristic course,
that we can discern, however dimly, his nature, and though culture is but one
element in determining that course, it is hardly the least important. As
culture shaped us as a single species - and is no doubt still shaping us - so
too it shapes us as separate individuals. This, neither as unchanging
subcultural self nor an established cross-cultural consensus, is what we really
have in common. (12)
The fact is that to commit oneself to a semiotic concept of culture and an interpretive approach to the study of it is to commit oneself to a view of ethnographic assertion as, to borrow W. B. Gallie’s by now famous phrase, “essentially contestable.” Anthropology, or at least interpretive anthropology, is a science whose progress is marked less by a perfection of consensus than by a refinement of debate. What gets better is the precision with which we vex each other. (29)
To look at the symbolic dimensions of social action – art, religion, ideology, science, law, morality, common sense – is not to turn away from the existential dilemmas of life for some empyrean realm of de-emotionalized forms; it is to plunge into the midst of them. The essential vocation of interpretive anthropology is not to answer our deepest questions, but to make available to us answers that others, guarding other sheep in other valleys, have given, and thus to include them in the consultable record of what man has said. (30)
My point, which should be clear and I hope will become even clearer in a moment, is not that there are no generalizations that can be made about man as man, save that he is a most various animal, or that the study of culture has nothing to contribute toward the unconvering of such generalizations. My point is that such generalizations are not to be discovered through a Baconian search for cultural universals, a kind of public-opinion polling of the world’s peoples in search of a consensus gentium that does not in fact exist, and further, that the attempt to do so leads to precisely the sort of relativism the whole approach was expressly designed to avoid. (40)
So far as culture patterns, that is, systems or complexes of symbols, are concerned, the generic trait which is of first importance for us here is that they are extrinsic sources of information. By “extrinsic,” I mean only that – unlike genes, for example – they lie outside the boundaries of the individual organism as such in that intersubjective world of common understandings into which all human individuals are born, in which they pursue their separate careers, and which they leave persisting behind them after they die. (92)
The view of man as a symbolizing, conceptualizing, meaning-seeking animal, which has become increasingly popular both in the social sciences and in philosophy over the past several years, opens up a whole new approach not only to the analysis of religion as such, but to the understanding of the relations between religion and values. The drive to make sense out of experience, to give it form and order, is evidently as real and as pressing as the more familiar biological needs. And, this being so, it seems unnecessary to continue to interpret symbolic activities – religion, art, ideology – as nothing but thinly disguised expressions of something other than what they seem to be: attempts to provide orientation for an organism which cannot live in a world it is unable to understand. (140-141)
If symbols, to adapt a phrase of Kenneth Burke’s, are strategies for encompassing situations, then we need to give more attention to how people define situations and how they go about coming to terms with them. Such a stress does not imply a removal of beliefs and values from their psychobiological and social contexts into a realm of “pure meaning,” but it does imply a greater emphasis on the analysis of such beliefs and values in terms of concepts explicitly designed to deal with symbolic material (141)
I shall try in this essay to show that such is indeed the case: that the social sciences have not yet developed a genuinely nonevaluative conception of ideology; that this failure stems less from methodological indiscipline that from theoretical clumsiness: that this clumsiness manifests itself mainly in the handling of ideology as an entity itself – as an ordered system of cultural symbols rather than in the discrimination of its social and psychological contexts (with respect to which our analytical machinery is very much more refined); and that the escape from Mannheim’s Paradox lies, therefore, in the perfection of a conceptual apparatus capable of dealing more adroitly with meaning. Bluntly, we need a more exact apprehension of our object of study, lest we find ourselves in the position of the Javanese folk-tale figure, “Stupid Boy,” who, having been counseled by his mother to seek a quiet wife, returned with a corpse. (196)
In any particular society, the number of generally accepted and frequently used culture patterns is extremely large, so that sorting out even the most important ones and tracing whatever relationships they might have to one another is a staggering analytical task. The task is somewhat lightened, however, by the fact that certain sorts of patterns and certain sorts of relationships among patterns, ordered clusters of significant symbols, that man makes sense of the events through which he lives. The study of culture, the accumulated totality of such patterns, is thus the study of the machinery individuals and groups of individuals employ to orient themselves in a world otherwise opaque. (363)